*******The Power Elite Exposed
By Dennis L. Cuddy, Ph.D.
March 16, 2004
There is… little doubt that the American power elite has… planned and plotted….. The power elite is not altogether 'surfaced.' …With the wide secrecy covering their operations and decisions, the power elite can mark their intentions, operations and further consolidation…. New men come into it [the power elite] and assume its existence without question.
--from The Power Elite (1956) by Columbia University sociologist C. Wright Mills
The nation's immediate problem is that while the common man fights America's wars, the intellectual elite sets its agenda. Today, whether the West lives or dies is in the hands of its new power elite: those who set the terms of public debate, who manipulate the symbols, who decide whether nations or leaders will be depicted on 100 million television sets as 'good' or 'bad.' This power elite sets the limits of the possible for Presidents and Congress. It molds the impressions that move the nation, or that mire it.
--from The Real War (1980) by President Richard Nixon
At the national level, this conditioning of the public might be brought about via certain crises, such as a terrorist attack…. For the sake of peace and security, people may be willing to give up certain of their freedoms to some extent.
--from The Globalists: The Power Elite Exposed (published July 2001, two months before the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001) by Dennis L. Cuddy, Ph.D.
Popular national radio talk-show host Rush Limbaugh repeatedly refers to anyone who believes in a one-world government conspiracy involving the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) as a "kook." However, on his February 7, 1995 program, he remarked: "You see, if you amount to anything in Washington these days, it is because you have been plucked or handpicked from an Ivy League school – Harvard, Yale, Kennedy School of Government – you've shown an aptitude to be a good Ivy League type, and so you're plucked so to speak, and you are assigned success. You are assigned a certain role in government somewhere, and then your success is monitored and tracked, and you go where the pluckers and the handpickers can put you."
While there are conspiracies going on in the world today, the pursuit of world government now is no longer conspiratorial in the sense of being hidden or secret. Rather, it's what socialist author H.G. Wells called "The Open Conspiracy," as prominent people such as Bill Clinton have openly written in support of world government. It will probably be a World Socialist Government, synthesizing western capitalism and eastern communism. In fact, Joseph Stalin in a speech at Sverdlov University in April 1924 pronounced that "the amalgamation and collaboration of nations within a single world system of economy… constitutes the material basis for the victory of socialism." And regarding what world government will ultimately mean, it will be authoritarian and repressive, for as Lord Acton wrote: "Absolute power corrupts absolutely."
In 1891, gold and diamond magnate Cecil Rhodes formed a secret society, the Society of the Elect, to "absorb the wealth of the world" and "to take the government of the whole world," according to Rhodes. According to Prof. Carroll Quigley, Bill Clinton's mentor at Georgetown University, in The Anglo-American Establishment, Rhodes' conspiratorial secret society lasted almost 60 years. By that time, enough members of the society and Rhodes scholars had penetrated the areas of politics, economics, journalism and education, so that the society was simply replaced by a network of power elite, who would openly pursue world government.
According to Quigley, "The [Rhodes] scholarships were merely a façade to conceal the secret society, or, more accurately, they were to be one of the instruments by which members of the secret society could carry out Rhodes' purpose." And in case anyone doubts the credibility of Prof. Quigley regarding this matter, The Washington Post article (March 23, 1975) about him and his information obtained from the power elite's "secret records" was titled, "The Professor Who Knew Too Much." [see below]
Cecil Rhodes' secret society was comprised of a small "Circle of Initiates" and a larger semi-secret "Association of Helpers" which formed Round Table Groups.
Rhodes scholars today will tell you that Rhodes abandoned his conspiratorial plans, instead opting simply to establish Rhodes scholarships. However, Association of Helpers member Arnold Toynbee, a world famous British historian, revealed in a June 1931 speech to the Institute for the Study of International Affairs at Copenhagen: "We are at present working discreetly with all our might to wrest this mysterious force called sovereignty out of the clutches of the local nation states of the world. All the time we are denying with our lips what we are doing with our hands, because to impugn the sovereignty of the local nation states of the world is still a heresy for which a statesman or publicist can perhaps not quite be burned at the stake but certainly ostracized or discredited." (See "The Trend of International Affairs Since The War" in the November 1931 edition of the Royal Institute of International Affairs' journal International Affairs.) This was decades after Rhodes established his scholarships.
Members of the Round Table Groups along with members of the Fabian (Socialist) Society as well as "the Inquiry" (a group formed by President Woodrow Wilson's chief advisor, Col. Edward M. House) formed the Royal Institute of International Affairs in Great Britain, and its American branch, the CFR. Both Prof. Quigley in Tragedy and Hope and CFR member Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. in A Thousand Days have referred to the CFR as a "front" for the power elite. And in Men and Powers, former West Germany chancellor Helmut Schmidt referred to the CFR as "the foreign policy elite," which prepared people for "top-level missions" in government and "other centers of international policy" and "had very silent but effective ways of seeing to its own succession."
Members of Rhodes' secret society networked with Fabian Socialists, who established the London School of Economics in 1895. One early Fabian, H.G. Wells, in New Worlds for Old explained what he called "a plot," whereby heads of state would come and go, but bureaucrats trained at the London School of Economics, for example, would remain in government making rules and regulations furthering the goals of the Fabian Socialists. Wells broke with the Fabians, not in terms of goals, but only in believing they should be open about them, as he explained the coming synthesis of western capitalism and eastern communism into a world socialist government. In this regard, he authored The Open Conspiracy: Blue Prints for a World Revolution (1928) and The New World Order (1939), in which he said sovereign states (nations) would end and "countless people… will hate the new world order… and will die protesting against it."
The power elite understood that it would be difficult to get the people of the world to accept a world government all at once, and so a gradualistic approach was suggested. Association of Helpers member and Canadian Rhodes scholar P.E. Corbett in Post-War Worlds (1942) wrote: "A world association binding together and coordinating regional groupings of states may evolve toward one universal federal government…. World government is the ultimate aim, but there is more chance of attaining it by gradual development." More recently, at Mikhail Gorbachev's first State of the World Forum in 1995, Zbigniew Brzezinski (President Jimmy Carter's National Security Advisor) announced that we "cannot leap into world government through one quick step, but rather via progressive regionalization."
During the presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the trend toward socialism was obvious, but even after World War II it continued, as U.S. Rep. Carroll Reece on April 6, 1956 delivered a speech saying, "We approach closer and closer to socialism," and "The foundation-financed cartel promotes the idea of government by an elite." One of the elite was Rhodes scholar Walt Rostow who, in The United States in the World Arena (1960), proposed "an end to nationhood as it has been historically defined." He became Deputy National Security Advisor for President John F. Kennedy, whose Secretary of State was Rhodes scholar Dean Rusk, who in September 1961 issued "Freedom From War: The U.S. Program for General and Complete Disarmament in a Peaceful World."
The same year "Freedom From War" was issued, another Rhodes scholar, Richard Gardner, became Deputy Assistant Secretary of State and three years later, while still in that position, authored In Pursuit of World Order. The Foreword to this book was written by Rhodes scholar Harlan Cleveland, who has been a CFR member, Ambassador to NATO, Director of International Affairs at the Aspen Institute for Humanistic Studies, and Chairman of the U.S. Weather Modification Advisory Board. Cleveland's books include The Third Try at World Order, Birth of a New World, and The Global Commons: Policy for the Planet.
How would "World Order" be pursued? In the April 1974 edition of the CFR's Foreign Affairs, Richard Gardner wrote in "The Hard Road to World Order," that it would involve "an end run around national sovereignty, eroding it piece by piece." He believed that approach would "accomplish much more than the old-fashioned frontal assault," and he further explained how GATT could be involved in the process. Gardner would eventually become an advisor on the United Nations to CFR member Bill Clinton’s first presidential campaign, after which he would become U.S. Ambassador to Spain, from which would come Marxist Javier Solana as the head of NATO with the support of the Clinton administration.
Bill Clinton had become a Rhodes scholar in the late 1960s with support from Prof. Quigley and Rhodes scholar U.S. Senator J. William Fulbright, who had authored Old Myths and New Realities (1964), announcing: "Indeed, the concept of national sovereignty has become in our time a principle of international anarchy…. The sovereign nation can no longer serve as the ultimate unit of personal loyalty and responsibility."
During then Governor Clinton's 1992 presidential campaign, his Rhodes scholar roommate at Oxford University, CFR director Strobe Talbott, wrote in Time (July 20, 1992) that "perhaps national sovereignty wasn't such a great idea after all…. But it has taken the events in our own wondrous and terrible century to clinch the case for world government." For that article, Talbott would receive the World Federalist Association's "Norman Cousins Global Governance Award," and on June 22, 1993, President Clinton would send a congratulatory letter to the WFA regarding the award, saying that previous WFA president Norman Cousins had worked for world peace "and world government." President Clinton ended the letter by wishing the WFA "future success." The WFA's objective is world federal government, and in 1994 it published The Genius of Federation: Why World Federation Is the Answer to Global Problems, in which it strategized: "Let the U.N. establish new agencies such as the International Criminal Court…. National sovereignty would be gradually eroded until it is no longer an issue. Eventually a world federation can be formally adopted with little resistance." In November 2003, the WFA merged with the Campaign for United Nations Reform to form a new organization called Citizens for Global Solutions with the motto "Building a World Community Under Law."
During his presidency, Bill Clinton would also develop a close relationship with British Prime Minister Tony Blair (a vice-president of Socialist International), whose "The Third Way: New Politics for the New Century" calling for "ethical socialism" was published in September 1998 by the Fabian (Socialist) Society. And in The Washington Post (April 7, 1999), Rhodes scholar E.J. Dionne, Jr. wrote "A World Safe for Socialism," describing how the Democratic Leadership Council "found itself playing host… to four Western European leaders whose parties have socialist and social democratic roots…. All subscribe to versions of the 'Third Way' approach to politics that Blair and Clinton have been marketing."
When Bill Clinton was first campaigning for the presidency, he took a "tough" stand concerning policy toward Communist China. However, over the years of his presidency, his policies toward that nation took a dramatically more friendly shift. On ABC's "This Week" (March 15, 1997), Rhodes scholar and former Clinton administration communications director George Stephanopoulos (CFR member) revealed: "There were a lot of reasons the president changed his policy on China…. It had little to do with [Chinese] contributions." And when Cokie Roberts on the same program, said, "It had more to do with American money," Stephanopoulos replied: "Council on Foreign Relations, Lehman Brothers, Goldman-Sachs, absolutely." Quite a few Rhodes scholars have occupied high-level positions with Goldman-Sachs over the years.
At this point, someone might say that they understand that Cecil Rhodes had a secret society to take over the world, and that Rhodes scholars like Robert Reich, Ira Magaziner, James Woolsey and others played important roles in the Clinton Administration. But, they might say, "That's all over, isn't it, now that Clinton has left office?"
It's important to remember, though, in this regard what Prof. Quigley said in Tragedy and Hope. He noted that William C. Whitney and others of wealth in the late 19th century developed a plan whereby they would control both major political parties through financial contributions, and then have those parties alternate power so that the public would think it had a choice. Prof. Quigley said that Whitney's plan lasted about 16 years, and after that, the "Eastern Establishment" (power elite) moved the Democrat and Republican presidential candidates toward the political center, "assiduously fostering the process behind the scenes." Prof. Quigley also said, "the process was concealed, as much as possible," and Quigley himself believed "the two parties should be almost identical, so that the American people can 'throw the rascals out' at any election without leading to any profound or extensive shifts in policy."
William C. Whitney and his son were members of Yale University’s secret society Skull & Bones. And while Rhodes scholars were penetrating the areas of education, economics, journalism and politics, Skull & Bones member and Fabian Socialist ally Daniel Coit Gilman brought G. Stanley Hall to Johns Hopkins University, where he mentored Fabian Socialist ally John Dewey, the "father of progressive education," who said in Individualism, Old and New that "we are in for some kind of socialism."
In economics, Skull & Bones member Thomas Daniels was Chairman of the Board of Archer-Daniels-Midland transnational corporation, and Fabian Socialist John Maynard Keynes was promoting his debt-laden "Keynesian economics," which President Richard Nixon (CFR member) in a January 4, 1971 interview with Rhodes scholar Howard K. Smith said he had now adopted. On September 30, 2001 on "Fox News Sunday," Skull & Bones member President George W. Bush's chief-of-staff Andrew Card also said he believed a combination of supply-side and Keynesian economics works best.
In journalism, just as Rhodes scholars like Erwin Canham (president of the American Society of Newspaper Editors) and newsmen Howard K. Smith and Charles Collingwood along with Fabian (Socialist) Society members like Walter Lippmann (member of "the Inquiry" and CFR founding member) became prominent, Skull & Bones members Richard Ely Danielson became publisher of Atlantic Monthly, Russell Wheeler Davenport became editor of Fortune, William F. Buckley, Jr. became publisher of National Review, and Henry Luce became the founder of Time. Luce biographer Robert Herzstein wrote: "Early on, young Harry [Henry Luce] learned that a powerful circle of contacts and friends could move the world."
In politics, Skull & Bones member William Howard Taft in 1912 lost his presidential re-election bid in a three-way race similar to that of 1992 when Skull & Bones member George H.W. Bush lost his re-election bid to Bill Clinton. In 1912, Taft lost to Gov. Woodrow Wilson, a Democrat whose chief advisor Col. Edward M. House had promoted in Philip Dru: Administrator "socialism as dreamed of by Karl Marx." And in 1992, President George H.W. Bush lost to Rhodes scholar Bill Clinton, who soon thereafter introduced a health care plan about which Milton Friedman on C-Span (Nov. 20, 1994) said: "You can’t think of a more Socialist program than the health care program that he [Bill Clinton] tried to get us to adopt."
Relevant to Prof. Quigley's reference to William C. Whitney’s plan for an alternation of power and the power elite’s promotion of Democrat and Republican presidential candidates whose foreign policy views are similarly globalist, Skull & Bones member George W. Bush then succeeded Bill Clinton as president, but foreign policy remained basically the same, which is what the power elite want. George W. Bush, his father, and Bill Clinton all supported such things as NAFTA, GATT, the World Trade Organization, U.N. peacekeeping operations, and Most Favored Nation trading status for Communist China. And like his father and Bill Clinton, President George W. Bush (whose website for his presidential campaign of 2000 was with Illuminati Online) has appointed notable CFR members to high-level positions in his administration. They include Colin Powell, Christine Todd Whitman, Elaine Chao, Condoleezza Rice and Robert Zoellick. Vice-President Dick Cheney is also a CFR member, and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld is a former CFR member.
In the presidential campaign of 2004, among the leading Democratic challengers to President Bush were General Wesley Clark (Rhodes scholar from Little Rock, Arkansas) and U.S. Senator John Edwards, whose primary domestic policy advisor was Bruce Reed (Rhodes scholar who was President Clinton’s Domestic Policy Council deputy assistant). Though each of these candidates won a state's primary, U.S. Senator John Kerry has won far more primary states and is the presumptive Democratic nominee for President. Like President George W. Bush, Sen. Kerry is also a member of Skull & Bones, so whether the Democratic or Republican nominee wins the election in November 2004, a member of Skull & Bones will be President. And like President Bush, Sen. Kerry has also supported NAFTA, GATT, etc., which are vitally important to the power elite.
At this point, someone might argue that neither President George H.W. Bush nor his son, President George W. Bush, promotes socialism per se, and that is correct. But it should be remembered that what is at work is a "process," and when President George H.W. Bush gave us national education goals and his son's federal education budget is the largest ever, including an element of "accountability" to the federal Department of Education, that cannot be considered a movement away from socialism. Similarly, when President George H.W. Bush and his son both show some deference to the U.N., which is overwhelmingly dominated by socialist nations, that cannot be considered a movement away from a world socialist government. Is there really any substantial difference between President George H.W. Bush saying the Gulf War against Iraq was conducted under the authority of a U.N. resolution, and Bill Clinton saying on October 19, 1993 regarding Somalia that his administration is engaging in a political process "to see how we can… do all the things the United Nations ordered [us] to do"? And in case one doesn't believe the U.N. is pursuing world government status, what else can one call it when the U.N.'s International Criminal Tribunal claims the right to indict even an elected head of state of a sovereign nation and pursue him anywhere in the world?
Concerning the United Nations, one can find examples of both Rhodes scholar and Skull & Bones involvement. At the suggestion of President Clinton, U.N. Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali made Rhodes scholar James Gustave Speth head of the U.N. Development Program. This was after Vice-President Bush in 1986 had recommended Skull & Bones member William Henry Draper III for the same position. Incidentally, Draper in 1977 had contributed $93,000 to Skull & Bones member George W. Bush's first company, Arbusto Energy, of which Salem bin Laden (Osama bin Laden's brother) was also a founder. Regarding other Skull & Bones members around George H.W. Bush (whose brother, Jonathan, is a member), Christopher Buckley (William F. Buckley, Jr.'s son) is a member of this Yale University secret society and was a speechwriter for Vice-President Bush. And member Bruce S. Gelb (CFR member) was director of the U.S. Information Agency and later Ambassador to Belgium after Vice-President Bush became President. And regarding President George W. Bush, he appointed a number of fellow Skull & Bones members including Edward McNally (General Counsel to the Office of Homeland Security), William Howard Taft IV (legal counsel to Secretary of State Colin Powell), and William Henry Donaldson (Chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission).
In the U.S. Government, there has also been matching Rhodes scholar and Skull & Bones involvement. In the executive branch, at the same time Rhodes scholar Strobe Talbott was becoming number two at the State Department, President Clinton had appointed Skull & Bones member Winston Lord (former CFR president) as an Assistant Secretary of State. And just as President John F. Kennedy had a number of Rhodes scholars at high levels in his administration, Skull & Bones members McGeorge Bundy and brother William Bundy occupied high-level positions then as well. William Bundy also worked for the CIA as have other Skull & Bones members such as William F. Buckley, Jr., his brother James Buckley, William Sloane Coffin, Archibald MacLeish, Richard Bissell, F. Trubee Davison, Amory Howe Bradford (officer of The New York Times from the mid-1940s until 1963), Richard Drain, Howard Weaver, and Hugh Cunningham (also a Rhodes scholar). Skull & Bones member George H.W. Bush actually headed the CIA as have Rhodes scholars Stansfield Turner and James Woolsey.
Regarding the military, Skull & Bones member Henry Stimson (who initiated George H.W. Bush into the same secret society) was Secretary of War in the administration of President Franklin Roosevelt, and President Clinton appointed Rhodes scholar Gen. Wesley Clark as head of NATO forces. President Clinton also appointed Rhodes scholar Richard Danzig as Secretary of the Navy and Rhodes scholar Admiral Dennis C. Blair as Commander-in-Chief of the U.S. Pacific Command.
In the legislative branch, a number of Rhodes scholars and Skull & Bones members have been in Congress, and former U.S. Senator David Boren (CFR member) is both a Rhodes scholar and Skull & Bones member, who on August 26, 1992 wrote an article in The New York Times advocating a rapid deployment force for the U.N. to facilitate "the new world order." During the Clinton presidency, Sen. Boren as a Rhodes scholar persuaded President Clinton to make George Tenet head of the CIA, and then Sen. Boren as a Skull & Bones member persuaded fellow Bonesman President George W. Bush to keep Tenet in that important position.
In the judicial branch, the U.S. Supreme Court has included Skull & Bones members Potter Stewart and William Howard Taft (Chief Justice), and Rhodes scholars John Harlan, David Souter, and Byron White. One of Justice White's law clerks was Rhodes scholar David Kendall, who was also President Clinton's attorney during the Monica Lewinsky scandal.
Outside of government, of course, Rhodes scholars and Skull & Bones members have also been involved in important areas of American life, such as finance. Earlier it was mentioned how quite a few Rhodes scholars have worked for Goldman-Sachs over the years, and Skull & Bones members Averell Harriman, his brother E. Roland Harriman, and Prescott Sheldon Bush (George H.W. Bush's father) were partners in Brown Brothers, Harriman & Co.
These individuals have formed a network of power over the years, and although not every Rhodes scholar and Skull & Bones member has been plotting to take over the world, they are, for the most part, an elite whose globalist goals must be resisted by Americans who oppose any diminution of our Constitutional freedoms or our national sovereignty.
How might this diminution occur? At the top of page 303 of my book, The Globalists: The Power Elite Exposed, published in July 2001, I state: "At the national level, this conditioning of the public might be brought about via certain crises, such as a terrorist attack…. For the sake of peace and security, people may be willing to give up certain of their freedoms to some extent." Then on September 11, terrorists attacked the Pentagon near Washington, D.C., and the World Trade Center in New York City, and a few hours later ABC News/Washington Post released poll results showing two-thirds "say they would sacrifice some personal liberties in support of anti-terrorism efforts." Does this mean the power elite plotted the attacks on September 11? After all, didn't the public affairs website indiareacts.com report on June 26 that the U.S. and Russia plan "'limited military action' against the Taliban if the contemplated tough new economic sanctions don't bend Afghanistan's fundamentalist regime"? And didn't the PBS program "Jihad in America" in 1994 show radical Muslims speaking in the U.S. over a decade ago and saying they would attack our airplanes and go after our high buildings? And in the same year of 1994, didn't Islamic terrorists hijack a plane in Algiers, intending to fly the passenger aircraft full of fuel into a tall prominent structure, the Eiffel Tower, exploding the plane over Paris?
Closer to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, didn’t AirlineBiz.com on June 23, 2001 carry a report by a Muslim who had just interviewed Osama bin Laden and concluded that it was a race to see whether the U.S. would attack bin Laden first or he would attack the U.S. first? Shortly after this report, didn't the Northwest Airlines flight attendants' website carry a "Backgrounder" by Washington Times reporter Bill Gertz referring to Project Bojinka with hijacked airliners flying into the World Trade Center, Pentagon and other buildings? Then on September 10, 2001, didn't some top Pentagon officials suddenly cancel their travel plans for the next morning apparently because of security concerns, according to two reports by Newsweek? And on the evening of September 10, 2001, eight hours before the terrorist attacks of September 11, didn't San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown's security people at the airport there call him before his flight to New York City the morning of September 11 and advise him that he and all Americans should be cautious about their air travel (see The San Francisco Chronicle, September 12, page A17)? How could our leaders following the September 11 terrorist attacks here say that no one could have imagined such a thing would occur? I filed a Freedom of Information request regarding any warnings, alerts, or emergency rulings by the FAA (Federal Aviation Administration) or other government agencies pertaining to transportation between May 2001 and September 15 of that year. The Department of Homeland Security replied they had found 12 relevant Information Circulars, but they would not let me see them.
Wasn't Marcus Mabry's Newsweek Web Exclusive of September 15, 2001, about the terrorist attacks and their aftermath titled, "Welcome to the New World Order"? And didn't Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien say on September 29, 2001, that "there will probably be a new order in the world that will probably be better than we have now"?
No, the power elite actually didn't plot the attacks of September 11. They didn’t have to. Remember that Rhodes' conspiracy ended as such around 1960 because enough like-minded globalists were in key positions in politics, economics, education and journalism, and his conspiracy was no longer necessary (being replaced by a global network of power elite pursuing world government). When a student several years ago went on a shooting rampage, the press rarely reported that he was stopped by a teacher with a gun, because the press is overwhelmingly for gun control. The power elite did not have to call editors of the nation’s newspapers and tell them what to say.
Similarly, the power elite didn't call up terrorists and tell them to fly into the Pentagon and World Trade Center. However, if I could forecast terrorist attacks, so can the power elite.
Rather, there is a dialectic at work here. You may recall that under at State Department contract, CFR member Lincoln Bloomfield in 1962 wrote: "A world effectively controlled by the United Nations is one in which 'world government' would come about through the establishment of supranational institutions, characterized by… some ability to employ physical force…. [But] if the communist dynamic was greatly abated, the West might lose whatever incentive it has for world government." Interestingly, Bloomfield also wrote that the world government could come about by means of "a grave crisis or war to bring about a sudden transformation in national attitudes sufficient for the purpose…. The order we examine may be brought into existence as a result of a series of sudden, nasty, and traumatic shocks."
Relevant to today, it is the reaction (public willingness to give up some Constitutional freedoms) to the action (terrorist attack wherever and whenever and however it occurs) that is important to the power elite. Thus, they don't have to cause the action, but only anticipate that it will occur sometime, and emphasize the public reaction to it to further their goals. And in case anyone doesn't believe the power elite wants a diminution of our Constitutional freedoms and our national sovereignty, just look at Our Global Neighborhood: The Basic Vision, a document produced several years ago by The Commission on Global Governance, whose work was supported by then U.N. Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali. Members of the Commission included Maurice Strong (Secretary-General of the Rio Earth Summit, co-author of the current Earth Charter, and right-hand man of U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan) and Barber Conable (former president of the World Bank). Among the Commission’s proposals are that "a new world order must be organized…. In certain fields, sovereignty has to be exercised collectively…. The principle of sovereignty must be adapted in such a way as to balance… the interests of nations with the interests of the global neighborhood…. We strongly endorse community initiatives to… encourage the disarming of civilians…. We would like to see a permanent international criminal court instituted as a matter of the highest priority…. We are… in need of a mobilizing principle… a new world order that secures the ascendancy of global neighborhood values over divisive nationalism."
Of course, the public will have to be prepared to accept world government, and what better way to do that than via education. The primary arm of the U.N. dealing with education is UNESCO, and in its first Director-General Sir Julian Huxley's UNESCO: Its Purpose and Its Philosophy (1948), he wrote: "Political unification in some sort of world government will be required." On October 3, 2003, on the occasion of the U.S. rejoining UNESCO (after President Reagan had withdrawn the U.S.), U.S. Secretary of Education Rod Paige declared: "The United States is pleased to return to UNESCO…. Our governments have entrusted us with the responsibility of preparing our children to become citizens of the world…. UNESCO is a powerful forum for sharing our views, developing a common strategy, and implementing joint action." The problem with the concept of "world citizens" is that just as "citizens" of a state have to obey the laws of that state, "citizens of the world" will be expected to obey world laws. And the clear majority of the world's nations are socialist, so that world laws will reflect a socialist perspective.
The conditioning of the public in the past has been gradual, but as famous author H.G. Wells noted, the process will speed up in the end as the synthesis toward a World Socialist Government gains greater momentum. Hopefully, Americans will wake up before it’s too late and resist this global effort on the part of the power elite.
© 2004 Dennis Cuddy - All Rights Reserved
Dennis Laurence Cuddy, historian and political analyst, received a Ph.D. from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (major in American History, minor in political science). Dr. Cuddy has taught at the university level, has been a political and economic risk analyst for an international consulting firm, and has been a Senior Associate with the U.S. Department of Education.
Cuddy has also testified before members of Congress on behalf of the U.S. Department of Justice. Dr. Cuddy has authored or edited seventeen books and booklets, and has written hundreds of articles appearing in newspapers around the nation, including The Washington Post, Los Angeles Times and USA Today. He has been a guest on numerous radio talk shows in various parts of the country, such as ABC Radio in New York City, and he has also been a guest on the national television programs USA Today and CBS's Nightwatch.
The Professor Who Knew Too Much
Borrowing a few crucial pages from his book, the ultra-right made a scholar an unwilling hero.
The Washington Post Sunday Magazine
23 March 1975
By Rudy Maxa
Greetings, Dr. Quigley: With reference to your book, Tragedy and Hope, at which I am presently directing much of my energies, I would appreciate a short explanation as to why you generally approve of the conspiracy. I enclose a self-addressed envelope for your convenience.
-- from a letter postmarked Rahway, N.J.
In 1966, Macmillan Company published the history of the world between 1895 and 1965 as seen through the cool, gray eyes of Carroll Quigley, a professor of history at Georgetown’s School of Foreign Service. The 1,348-page tome, called Tragedy and Hope, was a commanding work, 20 years in the writing, that added to Quigley’s considerable national reputation as a historian.
But though he had no way of knowing it, Quigley had just written his own ticket to a curious kind of fame. He was about to become a reluctant hero to Americans who believe the world is neatly controlled by a clique of international bankers and their cronies. He was about to learn of the country’s awesome appetite for believing a grand conspiracy causes everything from big wars to bad weather.
Strangers would soon call to bend Quigley’s ear about secret societies. Insistent letters from Rahway, N.J., among other places, would clutter his desk. And eventually, Tragedy and Hope would be pirated by zealots who would sell the book in the same brochures that advertise such doomsday products as “Minutemen Survival Tabs,” concentrated vitamin tablets to help patriots survive sieges by foreign enemies.
It was the John Birch Society that really catapulted -- or dragged -- Quigley front-and-center into the conspiracy picture. Just before the 1972 primary, voters in New Hampshire opened their mail and found copies of a breathlessly-written paperback, None Dare Call It Conspiracy. The book, researched, written and recommended by Birch Society members, warned that public figures as different as John Gardner and Henry Kissinger were part of a conspiracy centered around the Establishment’s unofficial club, New York’s Council on Foreign Relations.
For identifying “a power-mad clique (that) wants to control the world,”
Quigley was labeled “the Joseph Valachi of political conspiracies.”
None Dare Call It Conspiracy used exclamation points, charts of power networks and heavy rhetoric to awaken Americans to their diminishing freedoms. And much of the hoopla was based on a mere 25 pages from Quigley’s book which, None Dare Call It Conspiracy said, “revealed the existence of the conspiratorial network” of a “power-mad clique (that) wants to control and rule the world.” Quigley was “the Joseph Valachi of political conspiracies” for fingering the bankers and power brokers -- the Insiders.” And a photograph of Quigley shared a page with no less than financier J. P. Morgan.
John Birch Society President Robert Welch predicted distribution of 15 million copies of None Dare Call It Conspiracy, part of a “gigantic flare from educational materials called forth by the emotions and events of a crucial election year.” As copies began to spread across the country, Quigley began to grasp what the selective, unauthorized quotation from his work could mean. The approach to history taken by the authors of None Dare Call It Conspiracy offended Quigley’s scholastic sensibilities. Worse, he found he could not fight back against the misinformation he felt was being disseminated with the aid of his research and his name. “It blackened my reputation,” Quigley said, “amongst scholarly historians who are going to say, ‘Oh, he’s one of those right-wing nuts.’”
Professor Carroll Quigley -- B.A., M.A., and Ph.D., all from Harvard in the ‘30s -- is a trim, engaging man who points to his good-sized nose and broad, high forehead with some pride. The physical characteristics mark him as a Carroll and a stroll past the statue of Georgetown University’s founder, John Carroll, points up the resemblance.
Quigley does not descend directly from those Carrolls, the landed Marylanders who were influential enough in the Revolutionary years to have a signature on the Constitution. Instead, Quigley’s maternal ancestors were the less affluent Carrolls left behind in Ireland who only got around to making it to Halifax a few generations ago. On his father’s side, the Quigleys were so poor they couldn’t even wait for the potato famine to leave Ireland for Boston in 1828.
Quigley talks genealogy with a historian’s precision, spins family stories like a true Irishman, and more: he understands, and tells his listener he understands, how his past shaped him. Young Carroll Quigley lived on the edge of the Irish ghetto in Boston and mixed it up in the streets with Yankees, Italians, Russian Jews and a few blacks, a melting pot of a childhood that Quigley says cast a strong base for his adult writings and teachings.
He cultivated the spirit of the Irish and honed the intellectual interests of the Yankees while attending the Boston Latin School, whose list of distinguished graduates stretches from Benjamin Franklin to Leonard Bernstein. Harvard came next in a natural sort of way and Quigley intended to go into science until he decided "there were a lot a good people in science but nobody good in history."
He kept current in science but formally attacked history; he was no slouch in either. Quigley's Harvard tutor in medieval and ancient history, the late Donald McKay, told him he could be Harvard's first summa cum laude graduate in history in seven years -- "You could be a summa!" he exhorted Quigley -- but the undergraduate chose instead to settle for a magna cum laude for fear of shortchanging his emotional development.
After teaching stints at Princeton and Harvard. Quigley came to Georgetown University in 1941 and became an on-line resource for Washington. He lectured at the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, the Brookings Institution, the Stare Department's Foreign Service Institute and consulted with the Smithsonian and the Senate Select Committee on Aeronautical and Space Sciences.
To those duties and to his teachings he brought his holist philosophy, the belief that knowledge cannot be divided into parts, that the world can be viewed only as an interlocking, complex system. The philosophy complemented his life: he had reveled in the traditions and contrasts of his neighborhood, eschewed the summa in favor of keeping his emotional and social development on track, and applied himself to science and economics as well as history. His passion to consider the “big picture" never cooled.
Quigley has no small regret that some of the best minds of his generation insist on treating the world in a 19th Century fashion by tinkering with its problems as a mechanic looks at an engine: spreading the separate parts on the floor and considering each one to find the malfunction. This reductionist way of thinking, Quigley maintains, has gotten Western civilization into all kinds of trouble.
We cluck our tongues about inflation while stores offer expensive Christmas goods with liberal credit schedules that don't call for a first payment until spring. We bellyache about accumulating trash and energy shortages but spend precious little discovering how garbage can become an energy source. That kind of small thinking annoys Professor Carroll Quigley. It annoys him almost as much as if someone took the narrow view that a clique of "Insiders" controlled the world.
The historian's mind remembers the summer of '43 well: the temperature topped 90 degrees 59 days that year, and one stretch lasted 15 days. Quigley, still so Boston formal that he kept his suitcoat on during lectures, was charged with teaching the history of the world to 750 military personnel who had just finished their heavy mid-day meal. Five days a week, for one year, Quigley stood in Gaston Hall and prepared the soldiers for the military occupation of the countries in the European theater that the Allied forces expected to conquer.
From those frenzied months of preparing for his crash courses grew Quigley’s eight-pound Tragedy and Hope. The title reflects his feeling that "Western civilization is going down the drain." That is the tragedy. When the book came out in 1966, Quigley honestly thought the whole show could he salvaged; that was his hope. He will not say as much today.
The section in his history that was to so fascinate the political right concerned the formation of the Council on Foreign Relations and the actions of several famous banking houses. Quigley broke some new ground in his research in the late 1940s; 20 years later the right seized Quigley's findings and drew some broad conclusions.
Quigley had noticed that many prominent Englishmen and outstanding British scholars were members of an honorary society called Fellows of All Souls College. While Quigley was studying the 149 members, a former Fellow visited Washington to speak, Quigley began chatting with him about the Fellows of All Souls College. You mean the Round Table Group, the visitor said. What Quigley asked, is the Round Table Group? After considerable research, Quigley knew.
"I learned the Round Table Group was very influential,” Quigley says. "I knew they were the real founders of the Royal Institute of International Affairs and I knew they were the founders of the Institute of Pacific Relations. I knew that they were the godfathers of the Council on Foreign Relations. So I began to put this thing together and I found that this group was working for a number of things.
"It was a secret group. Its members were working to federate the English-speaking world. They were closely linked to international bankers. They were working to establish what I call a three-power world: England and the U.S., Hitler's Germany and Soviet Russia. They said, 'We can control Germany because it is boxed in between the Atlantic bloc and the Russians. The Russians will behave because they're boxed in between the Atlantic bloc and the American Navy in Singapore.’ Now, notice that this is essentially a balance of power system," Quigley says.
None Dare Call It Conspiracy, using Quigley's data, attributed to the Round Table Group a lust for world domination. Its sympathies were pro-Communist, anti-Capitalist, said the Birch Society book.
"They thought Dr. Carroll Quigley proved everything." Quigley says. "For example, they constantly misquote me to this effect: that Lord Milner (the dominant trustee of the Cecil Rhodes Trust and a heavy in the Round Table Group) helped finance the Bolsheviks. I have been through the greater part of Milner's private papers and have found no evidence to support that.
"Further, None Due Call It Conspiracy insists that international bankers were a single bloc, were all powerful and remain so today. I, on the contrary, stated in my book that they were much divided, often fought among themselves, had great influence but not control of political life and were sharply reduced in power about 1931-1940, when they became less influential than monopolized industry.”
Tragedy and Hope received mixed, though generally favorable, reviews. Opined the Library Journal: "Mr. Quigley . . . has written a very remarkable book: very long, very detailed, very critical, very daring and very good.... His coverage of the world is amazingly encyclopedic and well-balanced." Saturday Review was less flattering: "For those who approve of this way of writing history, his rambling volume may have a certain excellence.” Said the New York Times: "The book provides a business-like narrative in which an incredible amount of information is compressed -- and in some cases presented -- with drama and distinction.”
But from the right, Quigley earned kudos for nailing the seminal data on the Round Table Group that helped found the Council on Foreign Relations. His dispassionate presentation, however, did not sit so well. While Quigley's findings earned him pages of quotation (in apparent violation of copyright laws), None Dare Call It Conspiracy sniped: “... the conspirators have had no qualms about fomenting wars, depressions and hatred. They want a monopoly which would eliminate all competitors and destroy the free enterprise system. And Professor Quigley of Harvard, Princeton and Georgetown approves!"
“You see,” Quigley says, "originally the John Birch periodical had me as a great guy for revealing everything. But then they became absolutely sour and now they denounce me as a member of the Establishment. I'm just baffled by the whole thing.”
Quigley was first quoted by Gary Allen, the author of None Dare Call It Conspiracy, in a 1968 book called Nixon: The Man Behind the Mask. Then, an instructor at Brigham Young University in Utah, a Cleo[n] Skousens, wrote The Naked Capitalist and again quoted Quigley extensively. But None Dare Call It Conspiracy was the big seller. Nearly five million copies of the book have been sold to date, according to the publisher, Concord Press in California, and a new German language edition is selling well.
Author and Birch Society member Gary Allen is one of Quigley's biggest fans, but he laughs a huge laugh when told Quigley is the most reluctant of heroes. Of course, says Allen good-naturedly, the Establishment could not be pleased Quigley revealed so much about a Council on Foreign Relation, which prefers to swing its weight quietly.
"They don't like this thing talked about because it is the real power structure," Allen says from California. "Dr. Quigley let the cat out of the bag. He had the liberal academic credentials. I'm sure a lot of people are very unhappy with him for telling tales out of school.
Allen did not talk to Quigley before he began quoting from Tragedy and Hope because Allen understood from "some intelligence people in Washington" that Quigley was arrogant and unapproachable. "So I took him at his word that he had had access to the private records of the Round Table Group,” Allen says. "Now he’s trying to duck the importance of what he wrote by saying we picked only a few pages out of a 1,400-page book."
After the books came the letters. Brother Nelson Goodwin, a self-styled Nevada "hobo" evangelist was moved last summer to take pencil in hand and write, "Brother Carroll: I have heard somewhere that ‘Snake Eyes Joe Enlai’ and ‘Mousey Dung’ and ‘Snake in the Grass Fidel Castro’ all received their poison atheistic doctrine in the Universities and Colleges of America. Thank God for Men like you who love our Beautiful United States, the finest nation on the earth. “ Others, like the writer from Rahway, wanted to know why Quigley "approved of the conspiracy." Quigley has gotten handy at fielding the curve balls.
"You can't believe what people think,” he says. "Some believe it is all a Jewish conspiracy, that is part of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion which we now know were perpetuated by the Czarist Russian police force in 1904. And that this conspiracy is the same thing as the Illuminati, a secret society founded in 1776 in Bavaria. And that the Illuminati are a branch of the Masons. There are some people who say the Society of Cincinnati, of which George Washington was a member during the American Revolution, was a branch of the Illuminati and that's why the Masons built their monument in Alexandria to George Washington, since he was a Mason and head of the Illuminati before he helped start the Society of Cincinnati. See what I mean?"
If he chose to, Quigley could probably spend the rest of his life battling the people who are using his research to bolster their own conclusions. But he has narrowed the battle to stopping the illegal publication of Tragedy and Hope.
For reasons not clear to Quigley (but he does not attribute it to any conspiracy), Macmillan stopped publishing Tragedy and Hope alter it sold 9,000 copies. Suddenly pirate editions began appearing, almost exact photo-reproductions with identical dust jackets and binding. The original book had yellow-edged pages, a touch either missed or considered too costly by whoever decided to begin offering Tragedy and Hope on the sly. Carroll Quigley quickly became a right-wing underground sensation.
"We have discovered a limited quantity which we offer to informed patriots on a first come, first served basis for only $20 each,” read one brochure offering the pirate copies. "For the first time, one of the 'insiders' of the international 'elite' gives a candid account of the world of monopoly capitalism. Not easy reading, but it is essential reading for those who consider themselves in-depth students of the conspiracy."
Quigley hired a lawyer who managed to stop at least one of the pirate presses. Then, working through an intermediary, Quigley sold a West Coast press the right to re-print 2,000 copies of his book to retail for $25 each, from the Georgetown University bookstore. As long as the right insists on selling his book, Quigley reasons he might as well get his piece of the action. He has no such interest in jumping aboard the conspiracy bandwagon.
"I generally think that any conspiracy theory of history is nonsense," Quigley says, "for the simple reason that most conspiracies that we know about seem to me to be conspiracies of losers, people who have been defeated on the historical platforms of public happenings. The Ku Klux Klan had. its arguments destroyed and defeated in the Civil War but because it was not prepared to accept that, the KKK formed a conspiracy to fight underground.
"Now, there is not the slightest doubt that the international bankers have tried to make banking into a mystery. But we are dealing with two different things. I don't think that is a conspiracy; because something is a secret does not mean it is a conspiracy."
The seductive beauty of believing the world is in the grip of one conspiracy or another, however, is that any argument against a conspiracy is simply proof of how clever the conspirators are; red herrings are only a mark of the cunning of the conspirators, says the true believer.
Quigley is weary of tilting with conspiratorial windmills. He is 65 and intends to retire after this academic year. He has books unfinished. None of which, he hastens to add, have to do with conspiracy.
On his farm in West Virginia, Quigley is working on a book on the relationship of weapon systems to the stability of the world. He rests there on weekends and gardens between writing. But still the calls come, many from Texas, Florida and California, Quigley notices. One conspiracy hound called and talked for 20 minutes. Quigley finally said he had to return to his work.
"Just one more question," the caller said. "Just tell me this: why is Nelson Rockefeller a Communist?"
"I don't know," replied Quigley evenly. "I don't think he is but if you know he is and you want to know why he is, why don't you call him up and ask him."*******