Monday, April 24, 2017

What's with the Weird Murals at Denver Airport?

What`s happening at Denver Airport (2016)
Published on Nov 30, 2016
Something REALLY WEIRD Happened At Denver Airport!
Published on Sep 16, 2016
Something REALLY WEIRD Happened At Denver Airport (2016)
All music by Kevin Macleod and Chris Zabriski

Illuminati Denver Airport Art Murals
Published on Jan 4, 2015
The Denver Airport New World Order Art Murals.

Denver Airport Murals Conspiracy
Published on Jun 13, 2012
Denver International Airport (DIA) has some very un-nerving, un-answered questions.
8 Conspiracy Theories About The Denver Airport That'll Freak You Out
The Denver airport is kind of a weird place.
Ricky Sans, BuzzFeed Motion Pictures Staff
Kari Koeppel, BuzzFeed Motion Pictures Staff
Posted on April 12, 2016
So, if you haven't heard about the Denver airport, it's a little different from other airports: weird 
BuzzFeed Blue / Via
An insane amount of money went into building it...and not everyone is sure how it was spent.
When Denver International Airport opened on Feb. 28, 1995, construction had fallen 16 months behind schedule, and $2 billion over budget. The final cost of the Denver airport was $4.8 billion, which is a lot of money. People wondered what it had gone toward. The airport itself is 35,000 acres, which is almost twice as large as the next biggest U.S. airport.
The airport's runways look like a swastika
Google Maps
An aerial view of the runways at Denver International Airport shows that they resemble the shape of a swastika. This is not a typical formation for an airport's runways. However, an airport representative has said that the runways are designed that way so that they can be used simultaneously no matter the weather condition, since none of the runways overlap. She told the U.K.'s The Telegraph, 'We think the shape looks like a pinwheel.'
The airport's dedication stone has imagery from a secret society
BuzzFeed Video
The airport was dedicated on March 19, 1994, and a capstone was placed inside the airport to memorialize it. This dedication stone displays the Masonic symbol of a compass with a capital G inside. Underneath the symbol, the 'New World Airport Commission' is credited with helping fund and build the airport.
What is the 'New World Airport Commission'? Airport officials have said that it was a commission for the new 'world airport,' but the wording calls to mind the New World Order conspiracy. New World Order conspiracists believe that there has been a small group of powerful people working together in secret throughout history toward establishing a single all-powerful global government. 
The Masonic symbol ties into this conspiracy. Freemasonry is a very real secret fraternal society that's allegedly the largest in the world and may have existed as far back as the Middle Ages. Since this secret society has had many powerful members throughout history, people have long been suspicious  that the Freemasons were looking to seize power. Perhaps they are involved in trying to establish the New World Order?
Not helping things: Conspiracy theorists have pointed out that if you add up the numbers in the airport's dedication date, you get 33, which is reportedly the highest level of Freemasonry. More helpful: This only works if you leave out 'March,' making it kind of a stretch.
Some people think there's a mysterious network of underground bunkers beneath the airport
Many of the conspiracies around the Denver airport revolve around what may lie beneath the airport. A former airport construction worker claimed that the reason why the airport was so far behind schedule was because five multistory buildings were built underneath the airport. This same construction worker, as well as others, also supposedly said that there was a complex network of tunnels beneath the airport. 
These claims led people to theorize that there may be anything from a vast network of underground New World Order command bunkers, to post-apocalyptic fallout shelters for the global elite (such as billionaires and politicians), to a future FEMA concentration camp waiting to be used beneath Denver International Airport.
It was later determined that the 'underground tunnels' had actually become home to the airport's rail system.
There are some super-creepy murals that may show the New World Order's takeover
Photograph provided courtesy of Denver International Airport.
One of the most startling things in the Denver airport are the murals that line the walls on Level 5 of the Jeppesen Terminal. Many think that the murals, painted by artist Leo Tanguma, tell the story of apocalyptic biowarfare destroying the world as we know it, with the New World Order taking over in its place.
One of the most startling things in the Denver airport are the murals that line the walls on Level 5 of the Jeppesen Terminal. Many think that the murals, painted by artist Leo Tanguma, tell the story of apocalyptic biowarfare destroying the world as we know it, with the New World Order taking over in its place.
This mural is titled "In Peace and Harmony With Nature," and is meant to address the destruction of the environment
BuzzFeed Video
The other is titled "Children of the World Dream of Peace," and is supposed to represent  the desire to get rid of violence in society
BuzzFeed Video
The art was chosen through a project selection panel made up of community members and artists, and was approved by several government committees and the then-mayor of Denver before being installed in the airport. Even if this art has nothing to do with the New World Order, it seems surprising that so many government officials reviewed this art and didn't think people would be suspicious of it.
Just a quick zoom in on this scary Nazi soldier...
BuzzFeed Video
...and a quote from a child who died at Auschwitz.
Just some super-chill airport artwork.
BuzzFeed Video
Just some super-chill airport artwork.
The devilish mustang statue outside the airport killed its sculptor while he was working on it
BuzzFeed Video
Something truly creepy is the blue horse statue outside the airport itself. Titled Mustang, but nicknamed "Blucifer" by conspiracy theorists, this statue is 32 feet tall and 9,000 pounds. Its eyes glow red at all hours of the day and night, causing some to speculate that the statue is meant to represent the Fourth Horseman of the Apocalypse from the biblical book of Revelations. The Fourth Horseman specifically represents Death.
The creepiest part is that the statue's artist, Luis Jiménez, was actually killed by the statue. In 2006, before the statue had been completed, a piece of the statue fell on him and severed an artery in his leg.
But how do we know what to believe?
One argument against the conspiracy theories is that if there really were such an ominous future for the Denver airport, then why would there be so many blatant signs pointing to it?
By the way, most of the original cost increases and schedule delays to the construction of the Denver airport were caused by changes to the size of the airport, including widening and lengthening concourses and adding an automated baggage system.
It's thought that there may be a time capsule  beneath the capstone of the airport, set to be opened in 2094, so stay tuned.

Sunday, April 23, 2017

Will Le Pen Defeat Macron on Election Day?

France elections: Macron and Le Pen 'through to run-off'
BBC News
23 April 2017
The centrist Emmanuel Macron will face far-right leader Marine Le Pen in a run-off for the French presidency on 7 May, multiple projections indicate.
Mr Macron leads with 23.7% in first round voting while Ms Le Pen won 21.7%, an Ipsos/Sopra Steria poll suggests.
Opinion polls in the run-up to the ballot consistently saw Mr Macron defeating his rival in the final round.
The two saw off a strong challenge from centre-right François Fillon and hard-left Jean-Luc Mélenchon.
Another projection, from TF1/RTL, put Mr Macron and Ms Le Pen neck and neck in the first round. Final results are expected in the coming hours.
The French interior ministry said that with 20 million votes counted, Ms Le Pen led on about 24% of the vote. This would represent about half the vote, but does not include major cities.
  • Live updates
  • Is Marine Le Pen far-right?
  • The meteoric rise of Emmanuel Macron
Whoever wins the next round, the voting marks a shift away from the leftist and centre-right parties that have long dominated French politics.
Ms Le Pen leads the eurosceptic, anti-immigrant National Front party. She has attempted to soften the party's tone and brought big gains in the 2015 regional elections.
She has urged a shake-up of France's relations with the EU, calling for negotiations followed by a referendum.
After reaching the run-off, she hailed the result as "historic", vowing to defend the French nation and its "independence".
French presidential election first round
Media projection (%) Macron and Le Pen go through to run-off
Mr Macron served as economy minister under current President Francois Hollande. Despite his relative inexperience - he has never served as an MP - polls see him defeating Ms Le Pen in the second round.
He told the AFP news agency a "new page in French politics" was being turned as the results emerged.
Mr Macron is also likely to attract support from the political establishment.
Defeated rival François Fillon has already endorsed him.
With Ms Le Pen long predicted to qualify for the second round, the BBC's Hugh Schofield says Mr Macron's likely victory is the story of the evening.
Celebrations at the campaign headquarters of Emanuel Macron
There were jubilant scenes as projections gave Mr Macron the lead...
In other projections:
  • Jean-Luc Mélenchon, whose popularity surged on the back of strong debate performances, is tipped to win around 19.5% of the vote. He has said he and his team do not "acknowledge the result on the basis of polls"
  • François Fillon, whose campaign was rocked by corruption allegations, is on the same mark
  • Benoit Hamon of President Hollande's Socialist party lags far behind on 6%
  • The six other candidates running were all on single figures

President Hollande himself decided against running amid poor ratings.
Turnout nationally appears to be similar to the last election in 2012, at about 80%.
Nearly 60,000 police and soldiers were deployed across the country to secure polling, with France still reeling from the shooting of a policeman on the Champs Elysees.
Le Pen Will Be Mightier Than the Leftist Sword on Election Day
Le Pen also wants to end immigration, slash crime, eradicate Islamism, pull France out of the EU with its emphasis on open borders for all EU citizens
April 23, 2017
I predict that contrary to all the French polls, Marine Le Pen, the charismatic right wing leader of the French National Front Party, will ultimately win the French presidency.
I see some of the same signs, both global and local, that led me to successfully predict the Brexit win and the election of Donald Trump several months before the actual American election.
Le Pen is riding an international wave of economic populism, anti-elitism, nationalism and anti-radical Muslim immigration.
As in Britain and the United States, the 2008-2009 international recession devastated many French working class and middle income families—especially in northern France, considered France’s industrial heartland Northern France is Marine Le Pen’s political base. For many years now, Le Pen and her party have established natural and deep roots in this “France’s rust belt.”
Many factories closed in small northern French cities and towns and in many small French towns and cities throughout France, creating significant unemployment- approximately three million people or over 10% unemployment, after years of stubborn economic stagnation.
As in Britain and the U.S., the French workers feel ignored and abandoned by their leftist, supposedly pro-labor political representatives. This feeling of abandonment by indifferent French political elites, on the left and on the right, is shared throughout French society.
recent survey showed 89% of French voters believe politicians do not listen to them.
According to Joel Gombin, a politics professor at the University of Picardie Jules Verne, “ National Front voters are united by a sense that they don’t feel represented by the workings of the current political system. They are fed up with traditional parties who failed to protect them from the economic crisis and from what many see as the dangers of immigration and recent terrorist attacks.”
As Hillary ignored the Pennsylvania coal miners, Detroit auto workers and Wisconsin farmers, similarly, the current French Socialist President Hollande has so alienated his labor base, that he is not even seeking re-election.
Similarly, French voters of the centre and the centre right, have turned away from such established conservatives as Sarkozy and Fillion and are seriously considering Le Pen’s appeal.
Le Pen and the NF party have extended their appeal beyond their northern France working class base.
As Trump, Le Pen’s appeal is not limited to the poorly educated working class. Le Pen is attracting support from all strata of society; including small business owners, employees of private companies and from public sector workers.  Over 50% of the police and military vote for the National Front.
As Trump, Le Pen stresses economic nationalism and protectionism ( which favor French business) in order to kick start the French economy and create much needed jobs.  Le Pen is also for reviving French nationalism, protecting French national identity and protecting the French people from domestic terrorism.
Le Pen also wants to end immigration, slash crime, eradicate Islamism, pull France out of the EU with its emphasis on open borders for all EU citizens.
Conventional polls have Le Pen succeeding to round 2 after the April 20 vote, but losing decisively to Macron, an unknown centre candidate on May 7.
I believe the polls are wrong. Le Pen will win the presidency decisively. Le Pen has tremendous popular and populist support. Le Pen’s voters will come out to vote with enthusiasm. Le Pen has a terrific “get out the vote” ground game. And she has very favorable global/ national political winds at her back.
Mitch Wolfe, a graduate of Harvard University, is the author of “Trump: How He Captured The Trump White House”, which he wrote and had published prior to the election. (available on

Search Results

2017 French presidential election results round 1
Updated Apr 23 at 4:28 PM EDT

Round 2, between Macron and Le Pen, is on May 7, 2017.
Projected votes won
Over 50% of votes are needed to win

Sources: Kantar Sofres and others. Learn more

How Marine Le Pen Has Upended French Politics
Six months before the presidential election, the dominance of the National Front has shaken up the country’s establishment parties.
By Harrison Stetler
October 13, 2016
“Pas de facho dans nos quartiers, pas de quartier pour les facho,” the protesters chant. No fascists in our neighborhood, no quarter for fascists. It is the most powerful statement of the day, delivered by an assembly of some 200 members of far-left political groups interrupting an otherwise uneventful Saturday afternoon in Lyon. Gathered at the steps of the city’s Nouvel Opera House, they are protesting the imminent opening of a bar and social club under the auspices of the far-right extremist group, the Groupe Union Défense. The “Pavillon Noir,” or the Black Pavilion, as the bar is to be called, promises to be a meeting place for nationalist sympathizers, where one can escape from “a world in which modernity beats down on all our lives.” The Pavilion Noir is not an isolated phenomenon: Its debut comes on the heels of another such locale in Lille, “La Citadelle,” operated by a 14-year-old nationalist organization known as Génération Identitaire.
The opening of these two bars, the creation of a physical space in which adherents to a racist and rigidly nostalgic conception of French identity can mingle, is a tangible marker of what is by now a grim reality. Right-wing nationalism has solidified its position as a major, durable pole in French political life. The chants delivered before the Nouvel Opera House are reinforced by an ominous banner held by the protest’s leaders, which goes unnoticed by the stream of pedestrians hustling toward the city’s primary shopping boulevard—it reads, “Jusqu’à quand?” Until when?
The Groupe Union Défense is nevertheless the extreme of the extreme. The real powerbroker on the nationalist right is Marine Le Pen, whose National Front has established itself as a major movement vying for power on the national stage. In a country ravaged by persistently high unemployment, fractured by a growing rift over refugees and immigrants, and struggling to recover from a seemingly unrelenting stream of terrorist attacks, public confidence in President François Hollande’s government (and the political class more broadly) is struggling to find a bottom.
This is just the sort of climate that Le Pen has been eagerly waiting to exploit. For many years, Le Pen has been painstakingly working to expand her party’s base beyond its old, devoted circle of followers whose lineage goes back as far as the aftermath of the French-Algerian War, when many military veterans and committed imperialists felt betrayed by a political class that gave up control of France’s last colonial outpost. Ever since she became party leader in 2011, Le Pen’s efforts at modernization have been more akin to tactful patricide: her predecessor, and the National Front’s founder, was none other than her father, Jean-Marie Le Pen, who was ultimately expelled from the party in 2015. While Le Pen the Older’s National Front was the party of overt neo-Pétainism, Holocaust denial, and xenophobia, Le Pen the Younger has sought to turn the party into a nationalist political force, opposing the evils of immigration, international finance, and European globalists and their Parisian puppets.
Whether it is due to the course of recent events or Le Pen’s efforts at sanitization, the result is this: Six months prior to the country’s presidential elections in March 2017, the National Front holds a plurality of public support.
In a country such as France, which holds its elections on a two-round, run-off system, it is by now nearly a fait accompli that the National Front will advance to the decisive second round. This has occurred before, during the 2002 presidential elections. In that year, however, the general assumption that the Socialist candidate, Lionel Jospin, would face incumbent President Jacques Chirac led to a flurry of independent campaigns by a broad range of alternative parties on the left. As a result, Jean-Marie Le Pen eked out a second-place finish in the first round, only to be clobbered in the second round, 82 percent to 17 percent.
What a difference a decade and a half makes. Now enjoying nearly a third of public support according to recent polls, Le Pen is perhaps not far off the mark when she refers to her National Front as the “first party of France.”
The rise of the National Front has prodded the establishment parties to co-opt and address the issue of French identity. And the now undeniable permanency of the far right has made the coming months decisive for the political class.
For Nicolas Sarkozy, the former president attempting to make a comeback, the only way to survive in the new political terrain is to essentially outdo Marine Le Pen. Many commentators have compared Sarkozy’s strategy to a pastiched version of Donald Trump’s: Speaking in packed auditoriums at a feverish pace, Sarkozy has sought to dominate the race with one attention-grabbing statement at a time. From insinuating that French identity sources to a common ancestry among the tribes of pre-Roman Gaul, to resentfully questioning whether “one has the right in France to suggest that France must remain French,” Sarkozy has taken his penchant for agitation and demagoguery to a new pitch.
Cementing himself as the establishment candidate gone rogue, Sarkozy hopes to carve out his own place in the populist revolt and to fold Le Pen’s supporters into a newly radicalized conservative party, which in recent years has been rechristened Les Républicains. Sarkozy’s gambit seems to have paid off to a certain degree: As of early October, he enjoys the support of an energetic base of low-ranking party cadres and has largely closed the gap before the November primaries with his principal rival, Alain Juppé.
There remains nevertheless the possibility that Sarkozy’s campaign will flounder. It is difficult to pitch yourself as an anti-establishment candidate when you have served both as president and party leader. Indeed, Sarkozy’s past has already come back to haunt him: New revelations have re-ignited speculation that Sarkozy received campaign donations in 2007 from former Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi. The implicating documents, retrieved from the corpse of a former Gaddafi lieutenant found in the Danube River, have revived a past that the newly reinvented man of the people would certainly prefer forgotten.
If Sarkozy’s momentum sputters out, then it is increasingly likely that Les Républicains will unify around the more moderate Juppé. A former prime minister and current mayor of Bordeaux, Juppé has sought to side-step Sarkozy’s lurch to the right by championing what he’s deemed an “amicable” French identity—L’Identité Heureuse. Sarkozy and Le Pen argue that Parisian elites have become so lost in their bubble of cultural relativism that they are blind to the destruction wreaked upon France’s secular, Western identity by immigrants and refugees. Juppé responds with a sunnier promise: With restored economic prosperity through liberalization, France can recover from its spiritual malaise.
One of the great French pop songs of the 1930s was Ray Ventura’s cringe-worthy, proto-camp hit, “Tout va très bien Madame La Marquise.” In the song, a Marquise comes to learn that a string of coincidental disasters has led to the total destruction of her country estate, from which she is absent. She discovers that her husband, learning of his bankruptcy, commits suicide and accidentally knocks over a candelabra in the act. This sets fire to the chateau that, thanks to a gust of wind, spreads to the stables, ultimately killing the Marquise’s prize horse. The song was a pure product of Depression-era France, trapped between economic stagnation and the specter of fascism.
It is hard to imagine a better representation of how François Hollande must deem his own political fortunes, despite his projected façade of composure and poise. Elected on a populist platform promising broad tax increases on the wealthy and the financial services industry, Hollande ended up governing to the right, backing away from his redistributionist message after a capital flight and recently pursuing reforms to liberalize the labor market. Elected to confront European Union austerity and seek greater fiscal integration, Hollande ended up towing Germany’s line and supporting it in negotiations with Southern European member nations. Elected, in contrast to Sarkozy’s staunch identitarianism, to heal the division between wealthy urban centers and the immigrant suburbs, Hollande’s promise to reunify the nation has unraveled. In the wake of a wave of terrorist attacks, he now oversees a government with emergency security powers, in which racial profiling is common practice and his own prime minister, Manuel Valls, is a vocal proponent of the infamous “Burkini Ban.”
Needless to say, the prevailing mood on the French left is one of dismay and drift. Hollande faced a certifiable revolt throughout the spring as thousands of left-wing activists, students, and union members took to the streets and occupied public squares in the so-called “Nuit Debout” movement, protesting a package of labor reform laws that was ultimately enacted through extra-parliamentary means. (By virtue of an obscure provision in the French constitution, the government can secure the passage of a law unless confronted with a vote of no-confidence by the legislature.)
On the center-left, the mood is no more boisterous. A recent column in the daily newspaper Libération poked fun at what it deemed the altogether “failed” term of the sitting president. Within the party, government ministries clash with regional and municipal officials on the question of Syrian refugees—in Paris, the Socialist Mayor Anne Hidalgo has vowed to make her city a “capital of refugees,” to the chagrin of Interior Minister Bernard Cazeneuve, whose state police harass refugee encampments.
It is assumed that Hollande will seek a second mandate despite his flirtation with record-low levels of popularity, and he will face a primary fight. Many, however, have come to conclude that the Socialist Party has no fighting chance at all in 2017. There has even been incessant talk in the newspapers about Socialist Party members voting in the Les Républicains primary for Juppé. Considering it a foregone conclusion that the candidate to oppose Le Pen will likewise be from the right, these voters consider it imperative that that person be Juppé, and not Le Pen’s doppelgänger, Sarkozy.
The woes of the Socialist Party, and of the French Left more broadly, run much deeper than the tactical necessities of avoiding a Le Pen-Sarkozy second-round contest. In the center-left magazine L’Obs, Daniel Cohen writes that the left is “in search of a social base.” Indeed, any frank autopsy of the French left begins with the decades-long unraveling of its working-class base, and its transfer into the arms of the National Front. In the United Kingdom and the United States, this trend seems to have found a countervailing tendency in the insurgent campaigns of Jeremy Corbyn and Bernie Sanders, who have burst onto the political scene over the past year to offer a popular leftist alternative to right-wing nationalism.
In France, however, the cause célèbre of the press is a centrist figure intent on making the old divisions of left and right obsolete. In mid-July, Emmanuel Macron took to the stage at Paris’s storied Maison de la Mutualité. An unknown young functionary of the Hollande-Valls government just two years prior, having disaffiliated from the Socialist Party in 2009, the 38-year-old spoke to a crowd of 3,000 individuals and elected officials from both major parties who had joined his new political movement, En Marche!
Macron insists there are two Frances. One, comfortably ensconced in privileges accrued over decades, is intent on maintaining a congealed social and political system. The other—the France of “artists, entrepreneurs, creators, employees, society leaders, students … retirees, the unemployed”—strives to break free from the chains of this system. Macron speaks of a country where “our institutions, our system … are ancient, tired,” where the promises from “les trentes glorieuses”—the three decades of economic growth and social democratic consensus after World War II—cannot be fulfilled.
Macron will perhaps be remembered as the supreme Machiavellian of 2016. Finally resigning as Hollande’s minister of the economy in late August, after having been one of the primary advocates for the government’s string of liberalization reforms, he has yet to formally announce his candidacy. What is certain is that he will have chosen an opportune time to do so, the right being divided between a populist wing and a teetering moderate core, and the left mired in exhaustion and disappointment.

Harrison Stetler is a writer based in Lyon, France.
Also See:
The Remarkable Life of Marine Le Pen, the Far-Right Politician Who is Well Placed to become France's First Female President
Barbara Tasch, Business Insider
Wednesday, 22 February 2017